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Place:
Royal Society of Arts, London; Time: two sun-blanched days in the last
week of June; Occasion: a gathering of political, corporate, cultural
and opinion leaders from India and Pakistan convened by India's famous
media group, Tehelka; Purpose: designing a new future for the two
countries.
This
largely attended "summit", as it was dubbed by the organisers was a
notable departure from the usual forums in which the past, present and
future inter-state relations in the sub-continent are discussed and may
well pioneer similar exchanges on its own soil in the days to come. It
was not a conference where academic papers are presented; nor was it
remotely similar to the endless track- two meetings in which former
generals and diplomats of India and Pakistan explore for ever possible
openings in the hard declaratory positions of two traditional national
security states.
The
ambiance in London reflected the success of an imaginative experiment
in which novelists such as Pakistan's Kamila Shamsie and Mohammad
Hanif, visual artists and media celebrities carried as much, if not
greater weight as politicians such as Jaswant Singh, Sachin Pilot and
Imran Khan. Challenged to initiate their conversation with fellow
panellists and an interactive and informed audience in seven minutes
apiece, the speakers had to come up with a forthright version of what
they thought were the main obstacles and what strategies would remove
the road blocks to a new era of peace and cooperation in South Asia.
Political
statements - the keynote opening address by India's former minister for
finance and foreign affairs Jaswant Singh, Asif Zardari's speech read
out in absentia and Nawaz Sharif's unedited video address - agreed that
entering at such a new era was not only possible but had become a
policy imperative. Zardari went further than any other interlocutor at
the "summit" to indicate accommodation on Kashmir by talking of its
future autonomous status without too many qualifying clauses. The
Indian side of Kashmir was represented by Farooq Abdullah and Mehbooba
Mufti. The Pakistani participants could not but note that their
thoughts were not trained solely on Pakistani obstructionism but were
more pointedly focused on the difficulties the Indian decision-ma
kers continue to face in defining autonomy for Jammu and Kashmir.
What
set the discussions apart were the "events" christened as inherited
poisons, creating and eroding stereotypes in art and cinema and the
role of religion. Sub-continental misperceptions and misrepresentations
of the "other" have run a complex course and do not lend themselves to
glib formulations. There have been long periods of amity in the past
though we are, at present, witnessing the culminating phase in several
decades of divergence and alienation.
The
Indian independence movement got polarised because it was accompanied
by strong Islamic and Hindu religious revivalist movements that seeped
into political thought. The result was different trajectories, one of
which led to the creation of the separate state of Pakistan. An ethnic
and linguistic variant of the same separatism ensures the proud
statehood of Bangladesh. In the post-colonial era, failure to solve
disputes left behind by a hasty partition led to a deliberate
accentuation of negative images for purposes of hostile mobilisation of
peoples. This is exactly what most participants in the London moot were
trying to reverse. Designing a better future clearly means a chart that
would enable the three sovereign sub-continental states to carve out a
much larger space to work together to resolve issues that impinge upon
the lives of more than a billion people.
Divisive role
The
divisive role of religion has often been exaggerated especially in much
of the biased historiography in the post-1947 India and Pakistan. In
reality, most of the Muslim rulers of India had no proselytising zeal
and their frequent military campaigns were not driven by religious
passions. More often the barrier was incomprehension between followers
of a Semitic monotheistic religion with a well defined core of
doctrines and those of an inclusive flexible system of beliefs and
practices that allowed them to be good Hindus in a hundred different
ways. This incomprehension was effectively reduced by syncretism
attempted by Muslims and non-Muslims alike in India by tapping into the
deeper spiritual meaning of symbols and rituals that looked strange at
first glance.
The
founder of the Mughal dynasty, Babur came to India at the end of long
years of military peregrinations in which he won and lost territories
in Central Asia and Afghanistan. As his autobiographical journal Babur
Nama testifies, he had an enormous appetite for information about the
culture of other people and the flora and fauna of other lands. And yet
incomprehension marked his instant response to the temples of Gwalior.
It
was not the simple reaction of a Muslim to the worship of idols; he was
irked that the temple architecture and the manifestations of the divine
in stone and clay did not conform to his idea of symmetry and design.
Within a short span of time his grandson, Akbar the Great, had overcome
this civilisation-driven incomprehension to such an extent that he
virtually tried to synthesise a new religion from elements of Islam and
Hinduism. Religion has become divisive only when there was an
instrumental use of it for political purposes.
As
a participant, I felt that the only negative notes in this
extraordinary conference were struck by speakers deeply embedded in the
national strategic enclaves. They were seen to be still preoccupied
with antiquated concepts of regional hegemony: one group seeking to
impose it and the other looking for countervailing strategies to avert
it. India and Pakistan will not find it difficult to work closely in
the larger interest of their peoples once the influence of these groups
on decision-making is reduced.
Tanvir
Ahmad Khan is a former ambassador and foreign secretary of Pakistan. He
is currently the head of the Institute of Strategic Studies, Islamabad
Acknowledgements : http://www.gulfnews.com
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